TRENDING NOW

Biafra post

Published on the Biafra Post 
February 28, 2026


Age, they say, is just a number. However, in leading a gigantic global movement of great repute like IPOB, it is my considered opinion that the Directorate of State (DOS) should, in its next updated Code of Conduct, insert a retirement clause.

Mazi Nnamdi Kanu will be clocking 60 years next year. This is a man who has dedicated over three decades of his life to active activism. From his early days in 1999 under Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), led by Ralph Uwazurike, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu was appointed as a broadcaster on Radio Biafra London. He held that position briefly in 2009 before disagreements arose over funding of the radio station.

When funding became an issue, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu stepped in with his personal resources to sustain Radio Biafra. In doing so, he assumed the position of Director of Radio Biafra and appointed Mazi Uche Mefor as his deputy.

During the early 2000s, he also served as an active chairman within the diaspora wing of All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), led by Chekwas Okorie, while drawing ideological inspiration from our internal leader, the People’s General, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. 

In 2002, he reportedly led political protests in London against extremism affecting Nigeria.

His activism continued steadily until the formation of Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) in 2012, where he, alongside Mazi Uche Mefor and others, came together to establish the movement.

 The name IPOB, like the name “Biafra” which was historically adopted by the Eastern Assembly before its declaration as a republic, was collectively embraced rather than personally owned. 

This historical narrative reinforces Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s consistent position that neither he nor his family owns IPOB — it is a people’s movement.

His elevation as leader was largely a mark of respect for his sacrifices, especially in funding Radio Biafra and using the microphone to unite Biafrans across the globe.

Therefore, it is necessary for the Directorate of State to consider introducing a retirement clause into IPOB’s Code of Conduct. Such a clause would honour Mazi Nnamdi Kanu at 60 years of age after spending over three decades in active struggle. This would enable a dignified transition from active leadership to a patron or elder statesman role.

This proposal could also re-energize the leadership to intensify efforts toward securing his freedom before such an honour is bestowed. Our greatest prayer remains that Biafra’s restoration is achieved peacefully

 through a referendum — a fitting celebration of his 60th birthday and a symbolic moment to mark his honourable retirement from active leadership.

Anyi Kings February 27, 2026
Biafra post


Published On the Biafra Post 
March 2, 2026


THE United States Congress has outlined major recommendations for the Nigerian government in a report submitted to US President Donald Trump, following investigations led by lawmaker Riley Moore into alleged Christian genocide in Africa’s most populous nation.

Moore shared the full report on his X handle on Tuesday hours after releasing a statement where he explained that he had presented a congressional report to the White House aimed at addressing religious violence and insecurity in Nigeria.

The ICIR reported that the development followed congressional hearings and visit of investigative delegation to Nigeria, which form part of Washington’s broader push after Nigeria’s redesignation as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) over alleged religious freedom violations.

The report was formally delivered after months of investigations into “violence affecting Christian communities” and broader security challenges in Nigeria. 

Highlights of what US lawmakers want Nigeria to do
(1a) New US–Nigeria security agreement: The Congress wants a bilateral agreement between the United States and Nigeria to protect vulnerable Christian communities from violent persecution, eliminate jihadist terror activity in the region, further economic cooperation, and counter ‘adversaries’ in the region, including the Chinese Communist Party and Russian Federation. Such an agreement should include:


Commitments by the Government of Nigeria to co-fund donor-supported humanitarian assistance – including through faith-based organisations and to prioritise underserved communities of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and their host communities, especially in the predominantly Christian Middle Belt region; support and respond to early-warning mechanisms to prevent attacks and kidnappings, including by deploying sufficient and capable security forces to the Middle Belt to enable rapid and effective response, and hold those who ignore the warnings accountable.

(1b) Remove Fulani militias from confiscated, productive farmland and enable the voluntary return of displaced communities to their homes, including by ensuring security and infrastructure, thereby reducing the need for humanitarian aid and generating economic development through increased agricultural productivity.

(1c) Continue and expand security cooperation with the United States, including by divestment of Russian military equipment for American military equipment through sales and financing.

(1d) Technical support to the Government of Nigeria to reduce and then eliminate violence from armed Fulani militias, including developing a demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration programme to address illicit weapons and support safer communities while allowing farmers to engage in legitimate self-defence; supporting the new Ministry of Livestock’s ranching plans and meaningful land reform efforts; and enhancing the recruitment, technical capabilities, and willingness of the security forces and military to prevent and respond to violent attacks.

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(1e) Comprehensive counter-terrorism cooperation to rid the region of foreign terrorist organisations that pose a direct threat to the American homeland, including through the provision of excess defence equipment and use of relevant drawdown authorities.

(1f) Counteract the hostile foreign exploitation of Chinese illegal mining operations and their destabilising practice of paying protection money to Fulani militias.

(2a)  Implement security measure 
Implement the National Security, Department of State, and Related Programmes Appropriations Act, 2026, to support the preceding recommendations and the following priorities:

(2b) Increased accountability by requiring proof of progress before obligating additional funds.

(2c) Programmes to address religious freedom, atrocity response, legal reforms, expand and improve policing, strengthen the criminal justice sector, improve anti-money laundering methods, and enhance capabilities to disrupt terrorist financing networks as well as capture illicit monies from Fulani militia members.

(2d) Treasury Department programmes and activities to strengthen the integrity of Nigeria’s financial system which will safeguard US national security and enhance the favorable balance of trade for the United States.

(2e) US Development Finance Corporation investments in Nigeria, especially in the Middle Belt.

(2f) GAO audit report on the effectiveness of aid to Nigeria and recommendations for strengthened oversight.

(3) Invoke and publicly announce the CPC Presidential Directives to name and shame perpetrators of violence.

(4) Implement sanctions on groups and individuals who participate in, or tolerate violence against, Christians.

(5) Continue visa restrictions for perpetrators involved in Christian violence and violations of religious freedom.

(6) Demand the repeal of Sharia codes and criminal anti-blasphemy laws.

(7) Review and use points of leverage to compel Fulani herdsmen to disarm, including by blocking export of beef and other cattle-related products to countries like Ivory Coast, Ghana, South Africa, and Senegal.

(8) Ensure adequate staffing of diplomatic posts in Nigeria.

(9) Improve the Foreign Military Sales process to expedite the procurement and delivery of defence articles and services necessary to support shared security priorities.

(10) Require a National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) on Nigeria’s sectarian and communal violence, and review classifying Fulani militia groups with links to terror groups, as well as other groups conducting organised campaigns of violence that threaten the United States, as a foreign terrorist organisation.

(11) Enlist the support of international partners, including France, Hungary, and the United Kingdom.

 


Biafra post


Published on the Biafra post 
February 27, 2026


In 2017, I was confronted with a direct question: “Are you working for Kanu?”

My response was clear then, and it remains clear today: I do not work for Nnamdi Kanu; I work with him toward the restoration of Biafra.

Recently, I was asked a similar question: “Are you working for DOS?” My answer has not changed. I do not work for the Directorate of State (DOS); I work with DOS in pursuit of the same collective objective — Biafra restoration.

There is a fundamental difference between working for someone and working with someone. To work for a person or a body often implies subordination without intellectual independence.

 It suggests that one’s role is merely to echo directives, defend every action without question, and satisfy the ego of those in authority. In such an arrangement, independent thought becomes unnecessary, and constructive criticism is perceived as disloyalty.

If I were working for Kanu or DOS, my responsibility would be limited to protecting their image at all costs. My writings would exist solely to praise, defend, and amplify —
regardless of personal conviction. 
My opinions would hold no weight unless they aligned perfectly with pre-approved narratives. 

Under a payroll arrangement, emotional loyalty could easily replace intellectual honesty,
because preserving income would become more important than preserving truth.

That is not the foundation upon which IPOB media was built.

IPOB media does not exist to inflate personalities. It exists to advance a cause. We work with our leader, and we work with the Directorate of State, but our ultimate allegiance is to the Biafra restoration project and to the people it represents.

 Working with means collaboration. It means dialogue. It means the freedom to contribute ideas, even when those ideas are uncomfortable.

True partnership allows room for dissenting views without branding them as betrayal. It allows a co-labourer to offer analysis that may not always be accepted but is respected because it is offered in good faith. 

That is the essence of collective struggle — not blind submission, but shared responsibility.
Independence within IPOB media should not be mistaken for rebellion. It is not opposition; it is contribution. It is the understanding that a movement grows stronger when its participants are thinkers, not merely followers.

Our commitment is not transactional. It is ideological. We are not motivated by ego, nor by personal gain, but by conviction. And conviction demands clarity, courage, and honesty — even when honesty is uncomfortable.

Therefore, let it be understood: IPOB media does not function as a mouthpiece for individuals. We function as stakeholders in a common vision. We work with leadership, not beneath it. We contribute, we analyze, we critique when necessary, and we defend when justified — all in pursuit of one goal: the restoration of Biafra.

That is the independence of IPOB media.

Anyi Kings February 27, 2026