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Biafra post



By Anyi Kings


Subject: Religious Persecution in Nigeria and the Strategic Case for a UN-Supervised Biafra Referendum

Executive Summary:

Nigeria is experiencing a prolonged crisis of religious violence and structural discrimination that disproportionately affects Christian communities, particularly in the southeastern region historically known as Biafra. Despite constitutional guarantees of religious freedom, Nigeria’s political and security architecture has become increasingly aligned with Islamic legal and ideological systems, leaving minority Christian populations vulnerable to persecution, displacement, and disenfranchisement.

This briefing argues that a peaceful, internationally supervised referendum on Biafra self-determination represents a viable, lawful, and strategic pathway to mitigating religious persecution, stabilizing a volatile region, and advancing U.S. interests in democracy, religious freedom, and regional security.

Background: Nigeria’s Religious and Political Structure

Nigeria is a member state of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and permits the institutional operation of Sharia law across much of its northern region. Sharia is inseparable from Islamic doctrine, and its expansion has become both a religious and political project. Within Nigeria’s current structure, attempts to limit or challenge Sharia are often framed as violations of Muslim religious freedom, effectively sidelining the rights of non-Muslim communities.
The legacy of the Sokoto Caliphate continues to shape Nigeria’s security institutions, federal power dynamics, and political hierarchy. This imbalance has enabled extremist and jihadist actors to operate with impunity, contributing to mass killings, church burnings, kidnappings, and forced displacement of Christian populations.

Impact on Biafra and Christian Communities

The Biafra region is demographically distinct:
Approximately 90% Christian
About 5% African Traditional Religion
Small minorities of Muslims and Jews
Despite this diversity, Biafrans face:
Systematic exclusion from top military, police, and security leadership
Political appointments conditioned on ideological loyalty to northern power structures
Electoral disenfranchisement in several non-Biafra states
Persistent stigmatization as religious and political outsiders
These conditions have rendered Christian communities largely defenseless under Nigeria’s centralized system of governance.

Why the Current Nigerian Framework Is Failing

Security responses to jihadist violence are inconsistent and often ineffective
Victims of religious persecution lack meaningful legal or political recourse
Federal authority is perceived as compromised by sectarian interests
Christian populations are losing confidence in Nigeria’s capacity to protect them
This trajectory threatens not only religious freedom but also Nigeria’s long-term unity and regional stability.
The Strategic Case for an Independent Biafra
A sovereign Biafra would:
Establish constitutional protections for religious freedom
Create a localized security framework responsive to community threats
Provide a safe haven for persecuted religious minorities
Reduce sectarian pressure within Nigeria by enabling peaceful self-determination
From a U.S. strategic perspective, an independent Biafra would likely emerge as:
A pro-Western, democratic partner
A stabilizing force in the Gulf of Guinea
A hub for humanitarian protection and regional cooperation
A strong ally in counter-extremism efforts in West and Central Africa
U.S. Interests and Policy Alignment
Supporting a UN-recognized, internationally supervised referendum aligns with:
U.S. commitments to religious freedom (IRFA)
The principle of self-determination under international law
Regional security and counter-terrorism priorities
Expanded U.S. economic and diplomatic engagement in resource-rich regions
Biafra possesses substantial human capital, natural resources, and economic potential, making it a viable partner for bilateral trade, investment, and security cooperation.

Policy Recommendations

Encourage international dialogue on self-determination mechanisms in Nigeria

Support independent investigations into religious persecution and electoral disenfranchisemen

Advocate for a UN-supervised referendum on Biafra’s political future

Condition future security cooperation on measurable improvements in religious freedom protections

Conclusion

The status quo in Nigeria is unsustainable for millions of Christians and other religious minorities. A peaceful, democratic pathway to self-determination for Biafra offers a credible alternative to ongoing violence and instability. Timely U.S. engagement could play a decisive role in preventing further humanitarian deterioration while advancing American values and strategic interests.

Anyi Kings  to Writes to US congressmen and US departments of state

February 7, 2026

Biafra post

Dear Congressman Riley M. Moore  
Nigeria is a member state of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). As such, the Nigerian state has historically accommodated the institutional presence of Sharia law, particularly in the northern region of the country. Sharia law is inseparable from Islamic doctrine, and demanding its total abolition in a country that identifies itself—formally or informally—as Islamic is perceived by many Muslims as an attack on their religious freedom. In this sense, religious freedom in Nigeria has been interpreted in a one-sided manner, often to the disadvantage of Christian communities.

Within this framework, the political structure inherited from the Sokoto Caliphate continues to exert dominant influence over Nigeria’s security architecture, governance, and national direction. Extremist groups operating under jihadist ideologies have exploited this imbalance of power to expand the reach of Sharia by force, violence, and intimidation. The Biafra region has become a primary target because it remains overwhelmingly non-Islamic.

Demographically, the Biafra region is composed of approximately 90% Christian worshippers, about 5% adherents of African Traditional Religion, and small minorities practicing Islam and Judaism. Despite this diversity, Biafrans as a people are routinely labeled “infidels” within the prevailing political culture of Nigeria and are systematically marginalized and politically disenfranchised.

In practice, a Biafran cannot realistically rise to head the Nigerian military, police, or national security institutions. Senior political appointments are often conditioned on unquestioned loyalty to the northern Islamic power structure. 

During general elections, Biafrans are frequently disenfranchised in non-Biafra states such as Lagos and Kano, ensuring that no Biafran candidate can meaningfully contest or win the presidency of Nigeria.

While the South-West (Yoruba region) has historically enjoyed a near 50/50 political power-sharing arrangement with the Islamic North, this balance is rapidly eroding. Jihadist expansion and the spread of Sharia continue unchecked, placing even liberal Muslims and Christian communities in the South-West under growing threat. 

Under the current unitary Nigerian system, Christian communities remain largely defenseless, as political authority flows from the Sokoto Caliphate, which maintains strong ties with over 50 OIC member states worldwide.

An independent Biafra would fundamentally correct this imbalance. It would restore political agency to its people and establish the legal and security capacity to protect its territory from religious extremism. 

More importantly, it would provide a safe zone for persecuted Christians and other religious minorities.
A free Biafra would naturally align with the United States and Western democratic nations, while also joining other Christian-majority countries in forming cooperative security and humanitarian alliances. As a sovereign state, Biafra would be positioned to advocate for and provide asylum to victims of religious persecution across Africa.

For these reasons, I firmly believe that a UN-recognized and internationally supervised referendum on Biafra self-determination remains the most viable and peaceful solution for ending the ongoing persecution of Christians in Nigeria. Without Biafra’s independence, Christianity in parts of Nigeria—and potentially in other regions of Africa—faces the real risk of severe decline or extinction within the next 20 to 30 years.

Swift international action is urgently required. Supporting a Biafra referendum, supervised by the United Nations and the United States, would not only help end religious violence in Nigeria but also strengthen America’s strategic presence in a region rich in both natural and human resources. Through bilateral trade and economic investment, Biafra could emerge as a stable, democratic partner in West Africa.

Anyi Kings is a media personnel for global IPOB advocate of Biafra referendum For #BiafraExit 
February 7, 2026

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Biafra post
Between Kanu’s Family Influence, IPOB Structure, and the Directorate of State (DOS):

The Costly Double Standards Undermining the Struggle
From a distance, a friend once called my attention—mockingly. He exclaimed, “IPOB don fall kpatakpata!” His reaction was prompted by a trending fake press release announcing a February 2 sit-at-home order, which was swiftly followed by an official disclaimer from the IPOB Directorate of State (DOS). That disclaimer went further to abolish the office of IPOB Publicity Secretary and disassociate the pseudonym Emma Powerful from any future IPOB communications. What complicated the situation was the counter-reaction from Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s siblings, openly opposing the DOS position.
I laughed 😂—but not without responding honestly to the narrative.
I explained to him that although I am not part of IPOB’s apex leadership, my experience and media intelligence as an IPOB media personnel place me in a position to speak with clarity: IPOB remains intact, unified, and functional—without factionalism. The Nigerian government understands this reality clearly, and that fact alone remains its greatest concern.
Since the extraordinary rendition of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu from Kenya 🇰🇪 to Nigeria, IPOB—under the leadership structure he himself established, the Directorate of State (DOS), headed by Mazi Chikadibia Edoziem—has been engaged in a sustained international diplomatic and legal campaign against the Nigerian state. This campaign is anchored on verifiable facts, grounded in international best practices on self-determination, and focused on:
The unconditional release of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu
Exposing and amplifying the ongoing Christian genocide perpetrated by Islamic terrorist groups allegedly sponsored by Northern political interests
The evidence of this diplomatic warfare is undeniable: Nigeria is on the defensive and steadily losing ground.
During the Buhari administration, the then Minister of Information openly requested a $500 million USD budget from the National Assembly solely to counter IPOB’s global media narrative. The Nigerian military also recruited bloggers with as few as 10,000 followers to combat what it termed “IPOB fake news”—news that has since been corroborated by international reports.
Nigeria has spent over $1 billion USD attempting to suppress the Biafra self-determination advocacy on the global stage. The BBC documentary targeting IPOB was just one of many coordinated media attacks. Furthermore, Nigeria was designated a Country of Particular Concern by the United States 🇺🇸 under President Donald Trump, due to persistent Christian persecution. Nigerian media later alleged—correctly—that IPOB media activities significantly amplified global awareness of this genocide, a fact supported by social media algorithms and engagement data.
Most recently, Nigeria reportedly paid $9 million USD to U.S. lobbying firms to alter the already-established narrative of Christian genocide—a narrative recognized by international bodies and U.S. congressmen who visited Nigeria. All of this confirms one truth:
Nigeria’s primary headache is the indestructibility of IPOB’s structure, with the DOS firmly holding the mantle of leadership.
Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and the Authority of the DOS
I further clarified to my friend that Mazi Nnamdi Kanu himself, despite being unlawfully detained—first in DSS custody and now in Sokoto Prison under a life sentence—has consistently affirmed that the Directorate of State (DOS) remains the only legitimate leadership body of IPOB. This position existed before his abduction, remained valid during his detention, and—by his own words—will continue until Biafra is restored, by God’s grace.
A Necessary but Difficult Truth: Kanu’s Human Weakness
Like every human being, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu has strengths—and weaknesses. IPOB as a movement has rightly chosen to emphasize his courage, transparency, and boldness in speaking truth to power. Anyone who meets him personally is struck by his humility and sincerity, which naturally inspires trust.
However, it would be dishonest to pretend that weaknesses do not exist.
In reality, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu—like many African leaders—is naturally ego-driven and power-conscious. His desire for control has unfortunately become one of his greatest personal challenges. As the leader of the largest self-determination movement in Africa, with global reach and influence, this status gradually elevated him into a near–demigod position—fueling an impulse to control every group in Igboland, even when such control contradicts IPOB’s core policies.
This is where double standards emerge.
The strength and influence IPOB enjoys today were built through blood sacrifices, years of suffering, loss of comfort, wealth, and relentless dedication by ordinary members, all united under one clear vision and mission. When a figurehead begins to drag IPOB into alliances with groups whose visions fundamentally conflict with IPOB’s objectives, clashes of interest become inevitable—and the struggle risks derailment.
This is precisely why the IPOB leadership has deliberately distanced Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s siblings from representing IPOB in any official capacity. They are not members of IPOB leadership, and their conduct has consistently contradicted IPOB’s principles and policies.
Alarmingly, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s siblings have aligned themselves with groups that openly reject the authority of the DOS, a position that conveniently aligns with the Nigerian government’s long-standing strategy to collapse IPOB from within.
As a leader, the time has come for Mazi Nnamdi Kanu to withdraw tacit approval or silence toward the activities of his siblings. Their agenda—whether intentional or not—has proven destructive to IPOB’s structure.
The continued promotion of violent sit-at-home orders and criminal activities by these allied groups has significantly contributed to Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s prolonged detention. These crimes are systematically linked to his name by the Nigerian government and weaponized as tools of blackmail and propaganda in its failing diplomatic battle against IPOB.
Conclusion
The truth must be spoken plainly:
If the Directorate of State (DOS) does not act decisively—and if Mazi Nnamdi Kanu does not rein in influences that undermine IPOB’s structure—his freedom will remain delayed, and the collective struggle risks unnecessary derailment.
IPOB is winning globally. The greatest danger now is not Nigeria—but internal contradictions.
If you want, I can:
Reframe this for international human rights advocacy
Shorten it into a media op-ed
Adapt it for legal or diplomatic audiences
Or neutralize the tone slightly for broader public circulation
Just tell me the target audience.

Mazi Anyi Kings February 5, 2026